The myth of integration: Black America never wanted it!
By Nobel Johns
TOPEKA, Kansas (BNW) As the 50th anniversary of the Supreme Court's historic Brown v. Board of Education ruling was marked last week, the country paid homage to the efforts that led to the so-called desegregating or integration of American society.
If the truth were known, while the NAACP and the white liberals and Jews, fought and some died, for the integration of this country, the truth of the matter is that Black Americans never wanted to integrate with white people in the first place, and we haven't to this day!
Who in their right mind would want to integrate with a kidnapper, or a murderer, or a lyncher, or a slaver, or liar? Not just any kidnapper, not just any murderer, not just any lyncher, and not just any slaver or liar, but these are the same white Americans who kidnapped us, murdered us, lunched us, enslaved us, and we as Blacks in this country would have been foolish to want to integrate with them. Hell, the last time we were integrated with whites in this country, they beat us up, mistreated us and made us their slaves.
Instead of integrating, most Blacks I know are trying get as far away from white America as they can! Only a fool would want to integrate with someone who mistreats them! Only a fool would want to be with someone who didn't want to be with them. The whole notion is absurd. Now, whites will call me a racist for not wanted to integrate with a racist. That's how cold they are!
It's hard enough for most Blacks to go to school and work with whites; integration, no way!
Just last week two dozen white supremacists held a rally near the site of the school that was the subject of the historic Brown v. Board of Education decision, to show their hate and contempt against Black Americans
A line of police officers in riot gear stood between the supremacist group and about 100 counterprotesters in a city park near the former Monroe Elementary School, subject of the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 decision declaring segregated schools unconstitutional.
About two dozen of the counterprotesters had moved into the area designated for the supremacists, and for several minutes the two sides shouted insults and taunts at each other.
Billy Roper, chairman of the White Revolution a white supremacist group of Russellville, Arkansas, said the protesters' approach wasn't the reason his side left the site 45 minutes earlier than planned.
"We did what we came to do. Our work is over," Roper said.
One of the protesters, Jerry Bellow of Austin, a white supremacist from Texas, said after the rally, "You defeat fascism by showing them you're not afraid."
Thats how most whites Americans really feel in this racist country, but you have to give Roper and this boys credit for not being a hypocrite; they hate Blacks and hes at least honest about his feelings, and you have to respect him for that.
Unlike Bush, who is an undercover racist, and mark the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education with a speech filled with hypocritical bullshit and lies about how great America is as a result integration. Most Blacks are still catching hell! If Bush were president back in the 60s, he would have been one of the main ones voting against the Civil Rights Act.
Little Rock's Central High is hallowed ground for America's civil rights activists. It became a flashpoint in 1957 when, three years after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled segregated schools unconstitutional, President Eisenhower dispatched paratroopers and federalized the state's National Guard to protect nine African-Americans selected to attend the high school.
"In my opinion, we all work closely together," says Richard Torrance, an African-American senior. "We communicate outside of school at events, at sports. Here at Central it's so large that you have to interact or you'll be alone."
But while Central High students sound upbeat about harmony in the hallways, legal and social activists warn that a problem from the past may return to the classrooms in Little Rock and the rest of the nation.
The percentage of white children enrolled in America's public schools -- 60 percent in 2001-2002 -- is 7 percentage points less than a decade before, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.
The Little Rock School District is increasingly becoming racially imbalanced as white parents enroll their children in private and suburban public schools in greater numbers each year. Little Rock's population is 55 percent white and 40 percent African-American. Black students, however, make up about 70 percent of the Little Rock School District's public classrooms, according to the 2000 U.S. Census.
The result, social activists say, is that the Little Rock School District is in danger of moving back to a climate of separation.
The Arkansas capital isn't alone.
As the 50th anniversary of the Supreme Court's historic Brown v. Board of Education ruling is marked, the country's public schools are, in effect, resegregating, according to federal Census and Education Department data.
Educators, federal monitors and civil rights activists are warning that an unequal educational system -- one based on wealth and cutting along racial lines -- is returning to classrooms in Little Rock and the rest of the country, creating a skills gap between white and minority students.
"It's an elephant under the rug: It's an obvious problem we're ignoring," says Gary Orfield of Harvard University's Civil Rights Project. "We've abandoned the tools we had."
The tools were forced integration and Black American didnt want it in the first place!
Time line for the mess:
The Massachusetts Supreme Court rules that segregated schools are permissible under the state's constitution. (Roberts v. City of Boston) The U.S. Supreme Court will later use this case to support the "separate but equal" doctrine.
The Supreme Court authorizes segregation in Plessy v. Ferguson, finding Louisiana's "separate but equal" law constitutional. The ruling, built on notions of white supremacy and black inferiority, provides legal justification for Jim Crow laws. Jim Crow laws required separate accommodations for whites and blacks, and would remain in effect in many American states and cities into the 1960s.
The Supreme Court hears oral arguments in Brown v. Board of Education. Thurgood Marshall, who will later become the first African-American justice on the Supreme Court, is the lead counsel for the black schoolchildren.
In a unanimous opinion, the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education overturns Plessy and declares that separate schools are "inherently unequal." The court delays deciding on how to implement the decision and asks for another round of arguments.
The court rules that the federal government is under the same duty as the states and must desegregate the Washington D.C. schools. (Bolling v. Sharpe)
In Brown II, the Supreme Court orders the lower federal courts to require desegregation "with all deliberate speed."
More than 1,000 paratroopers from the 101st Airborne Division and a federalized Arkansas National Guard protect nine black students integrating Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas.
The Supreme Court rules that fear of social unrest or violence, whether real or constructed by those wishing to oppose integration, does not excuse state governments from complying with Brown. (Cooper v. Aaron)
Prince Edward County, Virginia, officials close their public schools rather than integrate them. White students attend private academies; black students do not head back to class until 1963, when the Ford Foundation funds private black schools. The Supreme Court orders the county to reopen its schools on a desegregated basis in 1964.
A federal district court orders the University of Georgia to admit African-American students Hamilton Holmes and Charlayne Hunter. After a riot on campus, the two are suspended. A court later reinstates them.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 is adopted. Title IV of the Act authorizes the federal government to file school desegregation cases. Title VI of the Act prohibits discrimination in programs and activities, including schools, receiving federal financial assistance.
The Supreme Court orders states to dismantle segregated school systems "root and branch." The Court identifies five factors facilities, staff, faculty, extracurricular activities and transportation to be used to gauge a school system's compliance with the mandate of desegregation. (Green v. County School Board of New Kent County)
In a private note to Justice William Brennan, Justice Earl Warren writes: "When this opinion is handed down, the traffic light will have changed from Brown to Green. Amen!"
The court approves busing, magnet schools, compensatory education and other tools as appropriate remedies to overcome the role of residential segregation in perpetuating racially segregated schools. (Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenberg Board of Education)
The Supreme Court finds that the Denver school board intentionally segregated Mexican American and black students from white students. (Keyes v. Denver School District No. 1) The court distinguishes between state-mandated segregation (de jure) and segregation that is the result of private choices (de facto). The latter form of segregation, the Court rules, is not unconstitutional.
The Supreme Court rules that education is not a "fundamental right" and that the Constitution does not require equal education expenditures within a state. (San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez)
The Supreme Court blocks metropolitan-wide desegregation plans as a means to desegregate urban schools with high minority populations. (Milliken v. Bradley) As a result, Brown will not have a substantial impact on many racially isolated urban districts.
For the first time, a federal court finds that once a school district meets the Green factors, it can be released from its desegregation plan and returned to local control. (Riddick v. School Board of the City of Norfolk, Virginia)
Emphasizing that court orders are not intended "to operate in perpetuity," the Supreme Court makes it easier for formerly segregated school systems to fulfill their obligations under desegregation decrees. (Board of Education of Oklahoma City v. Dowell) After being released from a court order, the Oklahoma City school system abandons its desegregation efforts and returns to neighborhood schools.
The Supreme Court sets a new goal for desegregation plans: the return of schools to local control. It emphasizes again that judicial remedies were intended to be "limited in time and extent." (Missouri v. Jenkins)
White parents in Charlotte, North Carolina, schools successfully seek an end to the desegregation process and a ban of the use of race in making student assignments.
The Supreme Court upholds diversity as a rationale for affirmative action programs in higher education admissions, but concludes that point systems are not appropriate. (Grutter v. Bollinger; Gratz v. Bollinger)
A federal district court case affirms the value of racial diversity and race-conscious student assignment plans in K-12 education. (Lynn v. Comfort) A study by Harvard's Civil Rights Project finds that schools were more segregated in 2000 than in 1970 when busing for desegregation began.
The nation marks the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education.
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